The political economy of sexual violence in post-apartheid South Africa
نویسنده
چکیده
South Africa has the worst known figures for gender-based violence for a country not at war. At least one in three South African women will be raped in their lifetime. The rates of sexual violence against women and children, as well as the signal failure of the criminal justice and health systems to curtail the crisis, suggest an unacknowledged gender civil war. Yet narratives about rape continue to be rewritten as stories about race, rather than gender. This stifles debate, demonizes black men, hardens racial barriers, and greatly hampers both disclosure and educational efforts. As an alternative to racially-inflected explanations, I argue that contemporary sexual violence in South Africa is fuelled by justificatory narratives that are rooted in apartheid practices that legitimated violence by the dominant group against the disempowered, not only in overtly political arenas, but in social, informal and domestic spaces. In South Africa, gender rankings are maintained and women regulated through rape, the most intimate form of violence. Thus in post-apartheid, democratic South Africa, sexual violence has become a socially endorsed punitive project for maintaining patriarchal order. One result has been to constrict and compromise women’s experience of citizenship, as the promises of Constitutional equality are countered by the fear of sexual violence. The Zuma trial clearly demonstrated the shortfall between the rights women are guaranteed under the Constitution, and the cultural, political, judicial and social backlash they risk should they lay claim to these rights.
منابع مشابه
Contextualizing group rape in post-apartheid South Africa.
Collective male sexual violence is part of a continuum of sexual coercion in South Africa. This paper is based on long-term ethnographic work in an urban township in the former Transkei region. Drawing on intensive participant observation and interviews with young men in particular, it attempts to make sense of emergent narratives relating to streamlining, a local term for a not uncommon form o...
متن کاملIdentifying sources of adolescent exclusion due to violence
s the first generation to grow up under democracy, adolescents in post-apartheid South Africa lead lives that are filled with new opportunities and overshadowed by rampant violence and crime. Even as the end of apartheid improved the lives of many South Africans and extinguished much of the political violence that preceded the transition, violent crime has increased dramatically within certain ...
متن کاملFrom Apartheid to Globalisation: Health and Social Change in South Africa
outh Africa’s transition from a racist apartheid society that denied basic human rights to a majority of its population to a fully democratic nation is one of the more celebrated transitions of recent times. However this transition is having its costs as it has also involved an acceleration of the integration of South Africa into the global economy and a stripping away of many of the protective...
متن کاملXenophobia : A new pathology for a new South Africa ?
In 1994, South Africa became a new nation. Born out of democratic elections and inaugurated as the 'Rainbow Nation' by Nelson Mandela, this 'new South Africa' represents a fundamental shift in the social, political and geographical landscapes of the past. Unity has replaced segregation, equality has replaced legislated racism and democracy has replaced apartheid, at least in terms of the law. D...
متن کاملWilliam Hutt and the Economics of Apartheid
The work of William Hutt is well known in the fields of labor economics, monetary economics and political economy. A hundred years after his birth it is appropriate to take note of a less well known work of his, The Economics of the Color Bar. This book, first published in 1964, is an in-depth examination of the origins and implications of apartheid in South Africa his adopted country of reside...
متن کامل